Royal Bafokeng Family’s clandestine research on the Mafikeng High Court land case 999/08

Two academics commissioned by the ‘Royal Bafokeng Nation’  (RBN) had been hard at work during the months August-September 2011, collecting information from the elderly in the Bafokeng villages about their land claims. The unsuspecting elderly were asked questions that sought to contradict their communities’ Opposing affidavits lodged against the Royal Bafokeng Family in the ongoing Mafikeng High Court Case 999/08.

Mr Nkoto Rapoo, an elderly highly knowledgeable of the history of Mogono Village, has for instance been summoned to Legato (Bafokeng chief’s residence) to appear before the unscrupulous panel made of two lawyers and the two academics. He was asked if he knew of the farms claimed by the Mogono community that included the Hartbeestpruit 88JQ and Klein Doornspruit 108JQ. In their affidavit Mogono Community asserts that should a proper investigation be ordered about the 19^th century  land purchases by indigenous communities around  Rustenburg, it would be revealed that baNtsatsi  were the first group to purchase land from the boers and that they had a hand in the purchase of two additional farms Elandsheuwil (Kgapaatswai) and Goedgedacht (Kgale).

Other elders from Chaneng and Tsitsing villages were similarly summoned.

Foundation for Human Rights supports civil rights organizations in Rustenburg

-Marley

The Bafokeng Land Buyers Association was invited to attend a conference on “Human Rights Civil society Organisations Provincial Participatory Democracy Forum”. The conference, convened by the Foundation for Human Rights (FHR) together with the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development was held at the Orion Hotel on the 22^nd of November 2011.

 The purpose of the forum was : to provide space for civil society to exchange views and discuss the key challenges that they face in the province and raise awareness of and strengthen existing mechanisms which facilitate interactions between CBOs and Government. The forum was attended by a number of local civil society organizations in the human rights space, who exchanged views with government on the challenges facing them in advancing human rights. An overview presentation was delivered by Komane Development Services on the state of human rights in North West. The Human Rights challenges identified in the presentation inter alia includes poverty and inequality, unemployment, access to basic education, basic healthcare services and facilities, violence against non nationals and adequate housing and shelter. Deliberations were robust, with a number of community activists raising concern over the inaccessibility of Human Rights Commission, Public Protector, Justice Complaints Commission by poor rural communities. Communities around the Bafokeng are particularly vulnerable to human rights abuses by rampant mining operations taking place in their areas. 'We hope that FHR and Department could work hand in hand with communities in accessing civil rights institutions which are not responsive to vulnerable communities' said Tsitsing activist, Khunou.

 Hassen Lorgat, the facilitator, indicated that ‘participatory democracy is a system of democracy where political decisions are made directly by ordinary people’, and that the aim of the conference was to achieve exactly that. ‘Communities must be involved, and not left out on policy actions that affect their daily lives’.

It was resolved that FHR will strengthen their support for local civic organizations in terms of funding, institutional support, capacity development, and access to justice.

Anarchist Impala Platinum Mine kicked out of Luka, Rustenburg

-Marley

On the 08^th November 2011, Impala Platinum Mine and the Office of the Ward Councillor convened a community meeting at Thethe High School. The Impala officials indicated that the meeting was part of a series of meetings that they are convening in various villages affected by Impala’s operations. These meetings were scheduled to take place every six months. The agenda was prepared by the mine and covered amongst others: skills development, employment, procurement, community development.

 Amid a satisfactory sponsored community turn-out, a complaint was made that the meeting excluded those community members engaged at their workplaces. ‘And for strategic, expedient, and politically divisive reasons, Impala allowed the meeting to be chaired by Ward councilor, Malebo Sephai’ fumed one outraged community member. Apparently, Impala has entered into an agreement with the Local Municipality that the mining company should cease to discuss their operations directly with their host communities.

 Responding to the ‘employment opportunities’ presentation done by Zac Maphoso (Impala HR),the community raised serious concerns about the reliability and relevance of the statistics supporting the presentation. Most of the important concerns that were raised by the community were not answered by the Impala Officials, including the alleged corruption at the local Teba offices.

The angry community urged for the meeting to be aborted. The community then burnt the attendance register, citing that Impala will present a false image to the Department of Minerals and Energy and other authorities that they are working closely with their host communities.

‘It is sad that Impala Platinum Mine has recently been voted by the Sunday Times’ corporate awards to have outperformed every other company on the Corporate Social Investment category. A lie that also seeks to cover the Royal Bafokeng Family’s betrayal of the Luka community’ observed Matlantla, a local community activist.

Royal Bafokeng Platinum ‘s Styldirft 1 & 2 Projects in Chaneng village - a moral and cultural hazard

- Writes Joseph Magobe

'Styldrift 2 may need R10bn investment’, a statement by RBPlat in Platinum Weekly (17 August), is typical asymmetric information that promotes free-market investment in mining projects that are detrimental to the host Chaneng community’s sustenance. 

On 10 August 2011, the Chaneng Community Council (Kgotla) and Royal Bafokeng Platinum (RBPlat) abandoned their consultative meeting abruptly without agreement. 

Kgotla demanded RBPlat to stop their exploration drilling in the village. Kgotla asserted that in terms of the Mineral, Petroleum and Resources Development Act (MPRDA), Section 5 (4), RBPlat should have consulted and compensated the community, the directly affected and lawful occupiers of the land, before they commenced with the new Project (Styldrift 2) in February 2011.

Corporatocracy, defined as a rule of the state by industries, was clearly at play when  RBPlat management, citing confidentiality, refused to avail their prescribed Social and Labour Plan (SLP) and their Mining Charter Score Card.  

In confrontational meetings, RBPlat strategy has been to wear out the community leaders by prolonging meetings, making insignificant concessions and unfulfilled promises. The ultimate aim by RBPlat being to cause mistrust among and between leaders, and to make the leadership lose face before its constituency. Consultations will subsequently be abandoned giving way to sustained hardships and poverty of the locals. These divisive and predatory strategies have been applied by Anglo American company and other mining companies all over the world in countries such as the DRC, Sudan and Somalia. 

In October 2010, RBPlat’s Styldrift 1 Project had its security gate house burned down and boom gates destroyed by angry communities of Chaneng, Rasimone, Mafenya and Robega for lack of consultation. The Project destroyed the communities’ farming livelihoods. 

On 26 August 2011, one community farmer lost more than 10 cattle worth more than R100 000,00. It is believed the mine instigated the loss, harassing the farmer to get him to relocate. Drilling machines were installed in front of his kraal’s gate and the loss could have been to mine induced theft. In a separate incident RBPlat’s drilling operations were conducted over an old grave. 

RBPlat’s report on local beneficiation is pathetic to say the least.  Out of a staff complement of 603 employees,   142 were migrant labour against 67 locals. The mine reserved procurement opportunities for alien companies with an excuse that ‘local companies are charging exorbitantly and need workshops on pricing’. 

The mine’s skills development programme, praised by the mine’s Human Resources Development Department, employs unaccredited service providers. 

The under-staffed Chaneng Clinic which services an ever escalating population of more than 20 000 people of Chaneng, Robega, Rasimone, Mafenya and Boshoek has become a thorny agenda item in every meeting. The clinic. which has no ambulance, has caused more than 4 deaths since January 2010. There are 2 nurses at a time and a doctor who come only on Mondays. 

Due to lack of proper housing plan/ policy by RBPlat, a lot of their contract workers rent backyard dwellings in Chaneng and Robega, increasing the uncontrollable backyard population. 

With this brutal cultural hazard perpetuated, the final death knell to what was once a peaceful Chaneng village, will come in 2016 when new nearby mining developments by Wesizwe/ PTM’s Meseve JV Project, Styldrift 1 & 2 and Impala Platinum’s 17 & 18 become fully operational. 

RBPlat and its partners, Anglo Platinum, are comfortable to shift their social labour costs onto government and into the community. These costs include road damage, destruction and occupation of grazing land, increased air and noise pollution, increased informal settlements, inadequate health care systems, and cracking houses caused by mine blasting. By any means necessary, the mine will soon, with the help of government and the Bafokeng tribal authority, own the village, at no cost.

 The situation is no different from the Palestine/Israeli dispute over the occupied Palestine land by the powerful minority settler Israeli Jewish state. The minority Chaneng community will soon become prisoners in their own land, occupied by the majority, more powerful, affluent,  settler mine labour. This system is cleverly orchestrated by Anglo Platinum, a subsidiary of Anglo American PLC, who are in partnership with RBPlat.

The fact is that communities’ rights are undermined by government, who work in cahoots with the mining companies. The Chaneng community, instead of reaping its platinum mineral wealth, will instead remain a poor, slave labour reserve for the mining companies.

In the meantime, the community of Chaneng has called on MEC Paul Sebego, Mayor of the Rustenburg Local Municipality, Mpho Khunou, and Ward Councillor Michael Mhlungu to press for a policy on ‘free, prior and informed consent’ for the communities. Such intervention resonates with the ANC Youth League’s call for nationalization of mines and its ‘economic freedom in our lifetime’ campaign.

Request for Funding: Trip to the Cop 17 Durban Conference, Nov-Dec 2011

BLBA would like to participate in the coming Cop 17 Durban Conference in Nov-Dec 2011. We appeal to all to help the Association make the trip to Durban to advocate for sustainable development and corporate accountability. Mining in Rustenburg is not only a hazard to human health, it is a permanent danger to our ecosytem. We would be happy to foward the 'Application letter for funding' should there be interested takers. Only persons/companies with a reputable Corporate Social Accountability scorecard may submit their show of interest. 

Chaneng's Styldrift Project/ Royal Bafokeng Platinum lie exposed

The last paragraph at 6.1 (page 32) of the Styldrift Project's Environmental Management Programme Report states that the Royal Bafokeng Platinum-owned Styldrift Project in Chaneng village will not alter the community's cultural identity.
We have seen, contrary to the Report, violent protest by the community, alleging that contractors employed by the mine are bussing in migrant labour during the night into the village. The new migrant labour is paid 'sleepout' housing allowance by the mines which they (mine employees) use to rent backyard dwellings in the nearby village, the Chaneng village. As recorded in Bleskop, Thekwana and Luka villages, it is expected that the migrant mine employees will within five years outgrow the host village population.

'The mine itself is not providing any additional utilities to the area. The mine is shying away from improving and developing the local health infrastracture, schools and security systems. The village will soon experience water,sanitation and waste management problems with the increased population. Soon Chaneng will be no different from Diepsloot and Alexandra',  warned Chris Senne, the Chaneng community activist.

BLBA Annual Reports for the year 2010/11

The Bafokeng Land Buyers' Association held their Annual General Meeting at Mokgatlhe Lodge on the 28th August 2011. Here are the Chairperson's and the Secretary's 2010/11 Reports.

Temporary justice not celebrated in Chaneng and Robega

-by Joseph Magobe

On Monday of 25 July 2011 the Chaneng and Robega human rights activists while waiting to be tried at the Tlhabane Magistrate Court, were shocked by the prosecutor’s announcement that their case has been “withdrawn”.

The accused had been waiting for 10 months to vindicate themselves as the case had been constantly remanded on account that “the State is still investigating”.

On 18 June, probably due to high stress levels caused by heavily armed police arrest, court proceedings, pains and illness, Kgomotso Rammutla was buried. The death of this young heroine invigorated Chaneng Youth Organisation to reaffirm their march against economic and environmental injustices, and their continued support for the human rights activists’ trial.

Kgomotso was one of the eight accused of public violence of 08 October 2010. She died untimely without tasting ‘freedom’, which has not been realized. ‘It could have been better if she died not a crime suspect’, sobbed a mourner.

Unfortunately the reasons for the 08 October 2010 protest have not been resolved and this ‘begs for no question that more revolutionary action by Macharora is coming’.

Update on the Mafikeng High Court case 999/08

All Respondents but the Baphiring Community have finally submitted their Answering papers, opposing the Bafokeng chief’s Application to have the land transferred and registered in Royal Bafokeng Nation’s title. Due to the passing of their legal representative Durkje Gilfillan, the legal guru who pioneered the current Bafokeng communities’ land claims, the Baphiring have had to reconstitute their legal team. They are expected to file their papers soon.

Copies of the communities’ Opposing papers can be accessed at www.bafokeng-communities.blogspot.com.

The Bafokeng chief’s failed 2020 Vision under the spotlight

-Writes Thusi Rapoo 

Many of the ‘Bafokeng’ communities that bought land from the boers in the mid 19^th century had two common objectives in mind, to steer off white oppression and to provide for their livelihoods using their indigenous traditional systems practiced at the time.

The current Bafokeng chief’s determination to destroy Bafokeng communities’ traditional systems has been questioned. Who has given him authority to corporatize and urbanize the Bafokeng? Who is actually ill-advising him?

The Bafokeng communities are rural ‘communist’ settlements, peaceful, united, with no need for the chief’s urbanization programmes. Millions of rands have been spend and wasted on the failed 2020 vision, the utopian Bafokeng Master Plan and now the distant 2035 Plan which only seeks to shift goal posts further away from beneficiation. The plans are likely to create dual economies for the haves and the have-nots within the Rustenburg-Bafokeng region, with the former, a small minority of crooked local elites, earmarked to be the ultimate beneficiaries of the Bafokeng accumulated R30billion wealth.

Chaneng activist Joseph Magobe summed it well that ‘the corporatization and urbanization of the Bafokeng into a cold capitalist machine at the expense of the poor and their local indigenous knowledge systems will bear devastating effects to local livelihoods. We have said before that if the chief was elected and not born, he would not have been re-elected on account of poor performance, wasteful spending, condonation of ecocidal practices by foreign multinational companies, disgraceful ignorance on the importance of green economy, poor economic and political foresight, lack of service delivery, western tendencies, and his dictatorial and indifferent Khama/Mangope/PW Botha style of leadership’.

Some people are adamant that the Bafokeng chief’s leadership is reckless and irresponsible, and could be charged and disposed in the court of law for violating (customary) laws.

 ‘Who wants 2035 when most of the concerned Bafokeng elderly would already be dead by 2020?’ Pointing to Ms Gillian Kettaneh and Nial Caroll in the Bafokeng report, Magobe lamented, ‘ comrades… 2020 Vision, the Masterplan, 2035 Plan are simply the World Bank’s grand plan to keep us quite and waiting while they loot our platinum wealth. The poor kaffir kaptein is most probably not even aware of it!’

Alienation of the disputed Bafokeng Communities’ land by the Royal Bafokeng Nation

The Bafokeng Land Buyers’ Association is concerned about the continued illegal alienation of disputed land by the Bafokeng tribal authority (alias Royal Bafokeng Nation) with the blessing of both the Minister of Rural Development and Land Reform and the Minister of Local Government and Traditional Affairs. The land in question is in dispute in the ongoing legal cases at the Mafikeng High Court and the Land Claims Court.

‘The implication is that all productive claimed land under dispute will be alienated to whoever wants it without the claimants’ consent’, said Lucas Mekgwe, chairperson of the Bafokeng Land Buyers’ Association. He cautioned that as parties to the legal dispute in Mafikeng, ‘the State, who is also the titleholder of the claimed land should be subpoenaed before the Courts for the deliberate flaunting of the claimants’ constitutional rights to land restitution and just administration’.

Tshasa August 2011 is out

Your Tshasa August 2011 is out. It is a compilation of articles that appears on http://www.bafokeng-communities.blogspot.com/.

Slowly and quietly, Adolph Zietsman is arming his Bafokeng security company

Under the erstwhile command of the former koevoet operative Adolph Zietsman, it has always been expected that sooner or later, the well financed Bafokeng security will have to be heavily armed. It was a surprise though to see the Bafokeng chief feeling insecure amongst ‘his people’ at the recent Dumela Phokeng meeting held in April at Luka village.

Surrounded by heavily armed Zietsman’s security, all located at various strategic points, it is clear that the chief is threatened and fearful of ‘his people’. ‘He is isolated and disassociated. If he thinks he is safe within his covert security force, he is wrong, he is highly vulnerable. His safety can only be guaranteed when he is with and amongst his people. It is them that will give him protection. Not the security force or a small number of the rich who will be quick to abandon him when there is trouble. It is the very security force that will deal with him..’ warned Phistus Mekgwe, organizer of the Anti-Bafokeng Repression Campaign.

ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING OF THE BAFOKENG LAND BUYERS’ ASSOCIATION

The Bafokeng Land Buyers’ Association will hold their Annual General Meeting on the 28^th August 2011 at Mokgatle Lodge, at 10am. Members are expected to be seated by 9:30am and are therefore encouraged to arrive early for registration. Attendants are further requested to bring R30 for braai.

Bafokeng singing pina-a-tshwene at the Kgotha Kgothe meeting

The voice of the voiceless people of Bafokeng has noticed the increasing numbers of newcomers to the intriguing Bafokeng Kgotha-Kgothe meetings. More and more frustrated, out of work young people, attend the Kgotha-kgothe meetings to air their views on poor Bafokeng administration and its feudal leadership.  

What many of the ‘newcomers’ do not realize is that the concerns they raise have been told a zillion times before by their ancestors in the same Kgotha Kgothe meetings. ‘If you say we are going to vote, how did you determine the quorum in this meeting?’ asked Terry Bogopane. The reported case of Bogopane vs Mokgatlhe (+1955) questioned the Bafokeng chief’s abuse of authority to take decisions with only a handful of people attending the Kgotha kgothe. In more recent times, many organizations and interest groups have been formed within the Bafokeng to raise the very same concerns. When a group of disgruntled people tried to disrupt the recent Kgotha Kgothe of the 18^th June, they were in fact repeating what had happened in around 1922 when a group of rebels took over Kgotha Kgothe proceedings from chief August Mokgatle.

The point is that ‘newcomers’ must be aware that the royal family, with years of attendance to these meetings, knows exactly the issues that will be raised, and now sees these Kgotha-kgothe meetings as venting sessions, a therapeutic exercise for hungry, poor ‘new grumblers’. ‘Ke kgwele se se mofatlheng..o nkutlwile..i feel better now’. Without addressing the real concerns raised, the family goes back to their usual business...exploitation.

'The best option for Bafokeng Kgotha-kgothe newcomers is for them to join and strengthen existing dissenting organisations advocating legitimate concerns within the Bafokeng bantustan', advised Thusi Rapoo, secretary of the Bafokeng Land Buyers' Association.

Koko Semane is back from retirement

Koko Semane Molotlegi, the Queen Mother of the Bafokeng as the media and others likes to call her, returned from retirement to open the Dumela Phokeng meeting at Thethe High School (Luka) and the follow up Bafokeng Kgotha-kgothe at the Phokeng Civic Centre.

People grumbled when she threatened at Luka that anyone who dare talk about succession to the Bafokeng’s chieftaincy, ‘o ta se bona’. She quickly clarified that she is not a witch as others will want to interpret that statement.. ’mara, o ta se bona’, she reiterated. She said that people must not bother her son, the Bafokeng Chief, with their land claims. She informed the people that her son does not own the land under claim in the current Mafikeng High Court case, but that he is only holding the land for their rightful owners and that it is the Courts that will determine who the rightful owners are.

At the Phokeng Kgotha Kgothe, her first salvo was that some people are spooks (ba tsamaya ba sule). She encouraged the meek and the powerless to learn from the biblical story of David and Goliath,  that David did not have to mobilize support to bring down Goliath. She advised people to stop mass demonstrations if they had issues. That they should approach ‘Goliath’ in their individual capacities and address issues in their mother tongues. She intimated her dislike for kids who could not communicate with their mothers in Setswana. In the end she instructed the poor Bafokeng people to start paying for their water supplies, starting in August.

Mariga a tlile abe a laela..goodbye winter, hello spring!

Climate change has caught up with us! We shall experience severe drought or rainstorms this coming spring/summer.

When it is this cold, people usually hibernate from the streets to the comfort of their homes. Media houses and journalists have Julius to thank for making their lives easy, keeping costs down and profits soaring. Have a look at this past weekend’s papers..all journalists wrote about Julius from the warmth of their homes!

The voice of the voiceless has also been in hibernation due to this climate change, caused by amongst others, the Bafokeng Tribal Authority and their mining bosses (Anglo Platinum, Impala and Xstrata).

We should therefore not be apologizing for being away.. it is not us who caused this climate change! We should however thank you for your warm understanding.

Besides our ongoing court case in Mafikeng, we should have at least reported on the Dumela Phokeng visits by Kgosi Molotlegi during April 2011 and the follow up Kgotha Kgothe of June 2011. We are also planning for our Annual General Meeting for the 28th August 2011, 10am at Mokgatle Lodge. Keep logged as we publish those reports during the course of the week.

Mogono, Chaneng, Tsitsing, Photsaneng/Bleskop Opposing Affidavit

Find the Opposing affidavit of Mogono, Chaneng, Tsitsing, Photsaneng/Bleskop Communities' in the list below the home page. Your attention is drawn from page 52. or directly here https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=explorer&chrome=true&srcid=0B72gJZ75Jz7tZmI1ODE4ZWQtNzgxZC00NWM2LWE5MjMtYjlmODM3ZTViYmY5&hl=en_US

Bafokeng Communities' files their Opposing Papers

Find in the page 'Bafokeng Communities' Opposing/Answering Papers' below the 'Home' tab various parties' filed opposing papers to the Bafokeng's Application in case no. 999/08, Mafikeng High Court. 

Greetings to the “Durkje we love and miss you” family

It is seven days since Durkje bid us all farewell. At last we have bid Durkje farewell.

It was one of the most beautiful farewells one could ever imagine. So many contributed, every contribution was precious.

This was a memorial to the life, the achievements of Durkje but also an expression of overwhelming love for Durkje. Our thanks and gratitude must go to you Chris Langeveld.  You channeled our love for Durkje into a celebration of a life spent selflessly for those that needed it most, the dispossed and the wronged.

Durkje is a diamond of many facets (I still cannot get myself to use the past tense). Sister to Imme and Janneke, Mother to Henry and Charles, Grandmother to Meagan and Grace, Mother in law to Rina and Naomi, care giver and champion to untold numbers of people. Every person at the service departed with a shared experience of this gift to the country she loved and made her own.

The time line followed was of her service as an attorney.  The Legal Recourses Centre (LRC) office in Pretoria is where the Law of Land became her specialty. None were surprised at her appointment as a Land Claims Commissioner. Many more were saddened when it became clear that the three year contract was not to be renewed. Testimonials there were aplenty from communities she had served in Limpopo and Mpumalanga and those of her Pretoria LRC days in Northern Province and North West.

With the staff she so carefully recruited, a foundation was laid and lines of action were thrashed out that simply did not exist. The research they did and the results they achieved in but three years clearly demonstrated that they were on the right track, that progress in rural land reform was possible but, by its very nature, will be slow and difficult. Undaunted she returned to the LRC, this time in Johannesburg, to continue with her passion, Land Reform, as an attorney for communities that needed their claims taken forward. With no limitation on the communities she may assist, she answered calls from close to home to the far reaches of Northern Cape, North West Province, Limpopo and Mpumalanga.

Cases that she had worked on before she was Commissioner came back to her still unresolved.  Three days before admitted to ICU with double pneumonia, she was in Piet Retief taking forward claims she had nurtured  as Attorney of Gilfillan du Plessis, after she retired from LRC. Her colleagues kept alive the hopes of many communities whose claims were still in progress. Standing there in the ICU cubical she had occupied for more than eight weeks, with her now cold body, I grieved for these precious colleagues and the communities whose hopes they had kept alive believing, as did we all, that it was but a question of time. For us as family it is a grievous loss, but we will recover. For they that desperately hoped for her recovery, that she will continue the work that is interrupted, I found her passing particularly cruel.

But there were others at the memorial service that remembered another Durkje, the political activist, the municipal candidate, with her picture plastered across the ward she contested. (It was no surprise she did not win. The surprise came from a person of “the other side”. His words to me were “you wife did remarkably well”). They recognized, if not the face then the name. They so wanted Durkje to succeed. For our sons it was “that is our mommy”. They knew of this women that welcomed to our home, for a get together, the Delmas trialists (largest of the so called Delmas trials transferred to Pretoria) out on bail. When I and friends visited Pretoria Central Prison, with food parcels, the three denied bail, Durkje befriended their families, keeping open house for those that came from far.

I recall a young boy, totally absorbed singing to himself, placing one after the other, the toy cars, trucks, trains, whatever he found in the cupboards of our sons, in a line that snaked down the passage and into the lounge. Now a not so young man I wonder if he remembers those moments of tranquility away from home, with father awaiting trial in Pretoria Central Prison.

Others at the service recall our visits to the townships to observe and report on acts of violence against individual activists and communities, to MP’s of the Opposition in the White Parliament. These MP’s were the protective umbrella we used to bluster our way through tight and potentially dangerous confrontations with the system. Still others recall Durkje’s work in the Pretoria Black Sash, and the relationships we developed with representatives of foreign Governments. A dear friend, and Chair of Black Sash, was detained at the beginning of one of the states of emergency of the 1980’s. A visiting foreign minister, of a leading Western Power, was asked by a small delegation, at a meeting in the embassy, to intervene on her behalf (he did just that, to be chocked off for interfering in the affairs of RSA). Imagine the amazement as he emerged into the full glare of TV cameras, followed by the delegation with Durkje and then I in tow!

When was Durkje so heavily involved politics and unrest monitoring? When as housewife and mother she was studying law by correspondence. Henry was once asked “what work does your mother do”. The innocent young boy retorted “my mother doesn’t work”.

Representatives of another land claim, that has been with Durkje for some time, were present at the Memorial service but, for lack of time, did not come forward to speak. I quote from a letter written by Durkje to the community representative. “Through research I am sure I have found the legal answer to enforce transfer of ……. (your communities) rights.”  -Chris Gilfillan

THE MEEK SHALL INHERIT THE EARTH, NEVER ITS MINERALS

Truly a people that do not learn from their errors are surely doomed to repeat the same.  The wisdom of the past still rings true to this day. Though decried and not technically savvy or “civilized” as some of our mis-educated intellectuals today, our forebears were able to conceptualize immortality and eternity in the face of changing “truths”.

Motsogapele o rile: Bopelonomi bo bolaile Mmamasilanoka. Phokoje e sola bowa mokgwa ga e o latlhe. What does these supposedly obsolete proverbs in the age of cretinism have to do with anything?

1. Our kindness has metamorphosized into love for our deceivers and hatred for self and kind.  2. The deceiver’s mission has not changed and his skillfully masqueraded modus operandi continues.

It was the deceiver’s intention to rob you of your being and possessions from the moment of first contact to this day. The deceiver led many to believe that a state of defeat is blissful and rewarding, whilst he defrauded you of your wealth.  Blessed are the meek for they shall inherit the earth declares the sacred writ. One who has knowledge of self will quickly notice that this saying is against the natural law of survival and self preservation. Meekness denotes one who is weak, docile, compliant, spiritless, defeated etc. This is psychological weapon of war designed for perpetual self defeat.

Many of our ‘indigenous’ people inhabit lands which are rich and replete with mineral resources that are the envy of the imperialists. Why are people therefore conditioned to a state of perpetual need and want in the midst of abundant wealth? Policies and laws governing the raping and looting of our indigenous lands are not in any way legislated for the benefit of the rightful owners but are instead extremely skewed to benefit the looters.  Inheritance has indeed become the very earth upon which one walks with no access to the true wealth of mineral resources underneath.

There are some who in the defense of the Cretins (which themselves have become) and their policies of dispossession will forsake their own. Meek and defrauded of the mineral resources of the land through a promise of inheriting the earth, what is the worth of such inheritance? Squalor and poverty.

Bodiba ba go ja ngwana wa Mmago, ere o feta ka bone o bo sikologe. Nature’s law has no respect for those who strive not to preserve self and kind. The meek indeed shall inherit the earth but never its minerals. The meek  are defeatists unworthy of any real reward. -BB

A brief on the ‘Public Policy Dialogue on Mining, Communities, and Workers’ Conference funded by the Foundation for Human Rights

 The Bafokeng Land Buyers Association (BLBA) made a presentation on the struggles waged by communities forming the Bafokeng ‘tribe’ at the conference funded by the Foundation for Human Rights, held in Johannesburg on the 01-02 February 2011.  -reflects Thusi Rapoo.

The Conference was attended by community-based organisations from around the country engaged in vicious battles against mining companies operating in their areas. Academic papers were presented by experts on acid mine drainage that destroys ecosystems and water quality particularly in areas around gold mining towns; the cluttered State heritage resource management regime which condones the bombing and excavation of graves by the mining companies; and the State’s land restitution and reform process which has failed to redress the land question. The presenters painted a picture of State engineered maladministration, meant to confuse and deprive desperate poor rural communities of access to Government support around issues related to their land. Conflicting and overlapping Government mandates create a state of confusion which the mines can exploit and use to their advantage. For instance, when Anglo Platinum blew the graves of Sekuruwe community in Limpopo their defence was that once they have complied with mining laws overseen by the Department of Minerals and Energy (DME), they need not account to the National Heritage Resource Council who have jurisdiction on the protection of graves. The uninformed poor rural communities would be left to guess as to which Government department to approach for intervention.

Local Municipalities, who bear the brunt of bad mining practices, cannot hold the mines to account as they are often told that mining is a National competency, meaning therefore that the mines are only answerable to the national DME, and not the Municipalities.

In 1992, the World Bank released a policy framework to guide the new South African government on land and minerals. It has become clear that all the administrative confusion created around issues related to land ownership and control is deliberate, promoted and supported to empower multinational companies in their exploitation of resources (minerals and environment) and is done to the detriment and disempowerment of the affected land owners. At worst, such control of strategic resources (land and minerals) by a few elite at National level can be used by the West, through their agents (the World Bank, IMF and their imperialist multinational mining and agricultural companies) to ferment ethnic  clashes within the ruling party and amongst communities.

LERUO MOLOTLEGI AND HENNIE KEMP ACCUSED OF STRIPPING MAKGOTLA OF THEIR POWERS AND CONTROL OVER LAND

 A number of chiefs and headmen of communities forming the Bafokeng ‘tribe’ are challenging chief Leruo Molotlegi’s quest for the control of communities’ land.

In 2008, the Royal Bafokeng Administration (RBA), under chief Leruo Molotlegi’s command, sought to close shops owned by community members in Luka and Chaneng villages. Some of the shops were hired out to some Chinese nationals. Chief Rammereki Mekgwe of Baphiring in Luka village and other headmen lodged a Court interdict in the Mafikeng High Court to stop the Bafokeng chief from  closing their shops. They claim in their affidavits that it is traditionally the community council (kgotla), the land owners, who allocates land to community members for residence or business purposes. It is only then, after such allocation, that the beneficiary will then approach the RBA, with a letter of authorisation from the kgotla, for RBA to install services such as fencing, water, roads and electricity. ‘That has been the traditional practice’, they claim. ‘RBA’s role is to provide those administrative services and utilities’.

‘RBA wants to control our land by issuing residential and business stands, we will be surprised one day to see a number of people coming in our villages claiming that they have been given stands at RBA by Hennie Kemp’, Chief Rammereki Mekgwe warned.

Interestingly, the matter is on a separate court roll from the other contested case with similar facts, where the Royal Bafokeng Nation are claiming ownership of some 61 farms.

The hearing was on the 17^th March 2011 postponed to May 2011.

AGAINST POPULAR SUPPORT, CHIEF LERUO MOLOTLEGI OPENS UP LEBONE II HIGH SCHOOL FOR THE FEW RICH

Not too long ago, the Royal Bafokeng tribal authority boasted an opening of a six star hotel to host the 2010 Fifa World Cup English soccer team. The R300m hotel built in a mine polluted area and for the wealthy few, stands unsurprisingly empty, costing the Bafokeng heavily on maintenance fees.

Bent on the development of a Bafokeng class society based on misinformation and material possession, chief Leruo Molotlegi of the Bafokeng ‘tribe’ opened new school buildings for the elite Bafokeng’s Lebone II High School. The extravagant opening ceremony, held on the 17^th March 2011 was attended by celebrities, wannabies and the’ who is who’ in South Africa.

The school, originally located opposite the chief’s homestead, Legato, was established by chief Leruo Molotlogi’s predecessor, Mollwane Lebone Molotlegi back in 1997.

The expensive school fees of R3500 – R4000 per month, and the arbitrary, strict admission and screening criteria has created a perception within the poor Bafokeng communities that the school is built exclusively for the affluent families within the Bafokeng. It is further believed that the school is for those who are close to and pays more political allegiance to the royal family.

Some believe that the school is used by the Royal Bafokeng Administration’s research  department, led by Professor Sue Cook and Adolph Zietsman, to further a clandestine indoctrination programe that seeks to distort information about the history of the Bafokeng. The grand-plan is to create a deceitful picture of a progressive, successful African ‘tribe’; to hide the platinum theft taking place in the area; and to create a Bafokeng society and a cadre of young troopers who are oblivious to the current hardships experienced by the broader Bafokeng communities at the whim of the mining companies (Impala Platinum mines, Anglo Platinum, Xstrata, Wesizwe Platinum, Royal Bafokeng Platinum) operating in the area. The children at the school are therefore raised, it is argued, to be praise singers to the chief, and taught not to question the human rights abuses and socio-economic injustices caused by the ruthless mining companies and their puppet tribal authority.

The Chaneng activists’ case postponed

The unfortunate case of the Chaneng activists who were wrongly arrested on account of formenting public violence has been postponed four times already due to the state’s inability to provide evidence against the activists.

The case was first heard on 10^th November 2010 and got postponed to the 14^th January 2011 on account that the activists did not have legal representation. It was then postponed to the 14^th February 2011 on account that the state did not have evidence. Again on the 14^th February it got postponed to the 25^th February 2011, and then 07^th March 2011. From the 07^th March 2011 it was again postponed to the 26^th May 2011 for trial. The delay is as a result of the States’ inability to bring evidence before the court.

The arrests happened after the Chaneng community’s march demonstration against against repressive practices by the State, the Bafokeng tribal chief, the judiciary, the Municipality and the mines (Anglo Platinum, Royal Bafokeng Platinum, Xstrata and Impala) operating in their area. The catalyst to the march was the the brutal demolition of tuckshops in their village ordered by the Royal Bafokeng Nation’s chief. The community is itself part of the Royal Bafokeng Nation (RBN). The community is against the Royal Bafokeng Platinum’s new Styldrift Mine Project which the community says is not only unlawful but will also bring hardships to the community. The community claim that the project has not provided jobs; has taken agricultural land; will bring foreign mine labour into the community that will disturb their peace and alter their cultural norms; will erect rock and slime dumps next to the community; and that the community will be without residential land in the next ten or so years.

Postponement on the filing of answering papers in the Mafikeng High Court

The communities challenging the Royal Bafokeng Nation’s high court application to have a number of farms transferred and registered in the latter’s name have again been granted a month’s extension until the end of March 2011 to file their answering papers.